The Movement

The Movement persisted even after the deaths of Jesus/Judas. According to Josephus, the Fourth Philosophy, which Judas was associated with, didn't come to an end with his demise but instead flourished significantly (Ant. 18.1-10). This movement not only spread throughout the Roman Empire but also played a pivotal role in the war against Rome. Although its origins were in Jerusalem and Galilee, followers of Jesus/Judas were scattered across the Empire and faced immense hardships during the Jewish war.

In contrast, Paul’s Gentile churches were scattered across major urban centers, including Alexandria in Egypt. According to Christian tradition, St. Mark founded the Christian community there in the mid-first century A.D. Yet the traditional account depicts him as a heroic martyr, brutally killed by pagans, thereby sanctifying the Alexandrian Church. Historical evidence, however, tells a different story: early sources are silent about his death, the martyrdom narrative emerges only in later legendary embellishments, and strong political motives appear to have shaped its development. For this reason, many scholars regard Mark’s martyrdom not as history but as myth. Rather than a single eyewitness account, the tradition is better understood as a layered legend that evolved over centuries, serving Alexandrian Christians in their pursuit of apostolic legitimacy and Venetians in their quest for a patron saint.

The rapid growth of Christianity in Egypt has intrigued historians for years. One possible explanation for its swift acceptance lies in Alexandria itself. During the early Christian era, the city was a hub of learning and philosophy. Additionally, its sizable Jewish population might have been open to Christian teachings. Acts 18:24-25 mentions Apollos, a knowledgeable Jew from Alexandria, who fervently taught about Jesus, offering insight into the expanding Christian presence in the city.

The School of Alexandria, established in the mid-second century A.D., marked the inception of Christian higher education. Prominent figures like St. Clement of Alexandria, once a pagan, converted to Christianity and became a leading spiritual thinker, educator, and writer. Another influential Alexandrian scholar was Valentinus, whose interpretation of Christianity emphasized the embrace of divine knowledge, known as gnosis in Greek. This philosophical approach, termed Gnosticism, permeated early Christian communities in Egypt, where its gospels, including the enigmatic Gospel of Judas, circulated widely.

Perhaps that’s the reason the Christians were associated with the followers of Serapis, a Graeco-Egyptian God. In AD 134, Emperor Hadrian, after visiting Alexandria, wrote to his brother-in-law, Servianus, mentioning that in Egypt, worshippers of Serapis were considered Christians. Interestingly, individuals who identified as Bishops of Christ offered their vows to both Serapis and Christ. This historical context highlights the coexistence and intertwining of the Serapis and Christian traditions during that period. Thus, Alexandrians prostrated themselves before Serapis or Christ impartially. From the beginning of the reign of Commodus in 180, the Christian religion appeared firmly established in Alexandria, almost completely purified of its gnostic doctrines and all traces of paganism [93].

The worship of Serapis Christus persisted in various forms over centuries, leaving a lasting impact on contemporary religious practices. The Serapis cult gained immense popularity in Greece, Asia Minor, and Rome, eventually becoming the dominant faith. Baptism played a pivotal role in Serapis initiation, later drawing parallels with Christian baptism [94]. Serapis and Christ coexisted, often being interchangeable in the eyes of early Christians. Some individuals worshipped both figures, and even depictions of Isis with Horus were interpreted as representations of Mary with Jesus. The Church adopted the Serapis cult's baptismal ritual for its own initiation ceremonies, illustrating the deep interconnection between these traditions.

In a period when paganism and Christianity coexisted, there was cross-pollination between the two. The ancient Egyptian symbol for life, the ankh, a cross shape with an oval loop, influenced the development of the cross known as the crux ansata, used extensively in Coptic symbolism. The practice of forming the cross with fingers can be traced back to the 3rd century. However, the reverence for the cross as a symbol is historically recorded from the 4th century during the reign of Emperor Constantine the Great. According to Eusebius, Constantine's biographer, the emperor and his troops witnessed a luminous cross in the sky, accompanied by the Greek words "In this sign conquer." The authenticity of this account and Constantine's true conversion, whether sincere or a political tactic, remains a topic of scholarly debate.

In AD 324, Constantine gained complete authority over the empire, but tensions persisted between the city's pagan population and the Christian emperor. Eventually, Constantine left Rome permanently to establish an imperial city that would showcase his power and faith. Although some Christians regard him as a Christian Emperor, certain scholars speculate that he also practiced sun worship and embraced pagan symbols. Notably, he dedicated his triumphal arch in Rome to the Unconquered Sun and declared Sunday, the Day of the Sun, as a state holiday in 321, providing everyone a day off. Additionally, in 330, Constantine erected a statue in the forum depicting himself as the sun god. Upon his death in 337, Constantine was deified and became one of the pagan gods. Analysis of archaeological sites indicates that, like his predecessors, Constantine continued to perceive himself as a descendant of ancient deities throughout his reign as emperor of Rome.

In summary, the evolution of religious beliefs during this period was marked by a fascinating interplay of traditions, blending and coexisting in surprising ways. From the enduring movement associated with Jesus and Judas to the fusion of Serapis worship with early Christianity, the era witnessed a rich tapestry of spiritual synthesis. The development of iconic symbols, such as the ankh influencing the crux ansata, and the complex intermingling of rituals illustrate the adaptability and interconnectedness of ancient faiths. 

Hence, it can be deduced that the rapid spread of Christianity was made possible by the followers of Serapis Christus who converted to Christianity after the Church incorporated the Serapis cult's baptismal ritual into its initiation ceremonies, emphasising the profound link between these religious customs. Additionally, certain Christian sects such as the Ebionites, a group of Jewish Christians who denied Jesus' divinity, were considered heretical.

Additionally, the pivotal role of figures like Constantine underscores the intersection of religion and politics, shaping the trajectory of religious practices. Through these historical threads, the era highlights the resilience of belief systems, their ability to coexist, and the profound impact they had on shaping the spiritual landscape of the time.

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93. Otta (1999)

94. Faulkner (1964)

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The Second Coming

Certain Muslims hold the belief that Jesus did not experience death and will eventually return to Earth to eliminate all forms of disbelief. Interestingly, the concept of the Second Coming of Jesus is not explicitly mentioned in the Quran. Instead, it finds its origins in the Gospel of Mark (13:26), where it states, "At that time, people will see the Son of Man coming in clouds with great power and glory." However, the entire Chapter 13 of Mark's Gospel features a distinct linguistic style compared to the rest of the Gospel, suggesting that it may have been a separate piece of writing that Mark incorporated as a prediction attributed to Jesus [80].

The teachings regarding Jesus' anticipated second coming are documented within the Book of Revelation. A significant portion of the Christian community fervently awaits the return of Jesus. Within Eastern Christian traditions, a sense of skepticism developed around this book due to lingering uncertainties about its authorship, its distinct style, and reservations regarding its endorsement by groups like the Montanists, who were viewed as heretical. This suspicion towards the Book of Revelation endured in Eastern Christianity until the 15th century. A similar wave of doubt resurfaced during the 16th-century Protestant Reformation. Initially, Martin Luther characterized Revelation as "neither apostolic nor prophetic" in his 1522 preface to his translation of the New Testament. However, he later reconsidered his position in 1530. Consequently, many scholars continue to question its inclusion in the Bible.

In Islam, the idea of Jesus' return closely aligns with the concept of the return of Imam Mahdi [81], which itself appears to have been influenced by the ancient Jewish-Christian concept of the "concealment" of the Messiah [82]. Intriguingly, the story of Imam Mahdi is also not explicitly mentioned in the Quran. Friedlaender (1910), also mentioned that the modern adherents of the orthodox Hanafiyya School, as well as prominent theologians from various schools of thought, have rejected the belief in Imam Mahdi. Additionally, figures like Ibn Khaldun regarded the story of Imam Mahdi as a Shia heresy that infiltrated Sunni Islam, possibly through Sufism [83].

Sufism, a term derived from the Arabic noun "suf" meaning "wool," has intriguing historical connections to Christian mysticism and pre-Islamic literature [84]. This influence is evident in Sufi stories, poetry, and narratives that frequently reference Christian mystics. The roots of Sufism can be traced back to the Nestorian Christian community in Iraq, who eventually embraced Islam while retaining elements of their original culture [85].

Within Sufism, there is a belief that Ali, a significant figure in Islam, was the first Gnostic man [86]. Sufis generally acknowledge the four caliphs, Abu Bakr Siddique, Umar ibn al-Khattāb, Uthman ibn Affan, and Ali ibn Abi Talib, as the rightful successors of Prophet Muhammad. However, Sufis hold Ali in high regard due to his unique virtues, which align with certain aspects of Shia beliefs [87].

Shia Islam is believed to have originated as a political faction initially supporting Ali but gradually evolved into a distinct religious movement. Its proponents advocated that leadership should remain within Prophet Muhammad's family and lineage, with Ali, who was both his cousin and son-in-law, seen as the rightful successor. This perspective prioritized a hereditary succession through Ali's descendants [88].

It is widely acknowledged by Muslim scholars that Abdallah ibn Saba, a Jewish convert to Islam, played a significant role in the formation of Shia beliefs. Abdallah ibn Saba propagated the idea that Ali had not died and would return on the Day of Resurrection [89]. Interestingly, Shia teachings exhibit certain Christian elements in their beliefs and traditions. Many Arab tribes residing in al-Kufa, before their conversion to Shia Islam, had Christian backgrounds. They regarded Ali as a charismatic leader akin to Jesus, thus finding affinity in the transition to Shia Islam [90]. Notably, the Nusayris-Alawis, a Shia sect in Iraq, maintain close connections with Christianity. They observe various Christian holy days, including Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and Palm Sunday, reflecting the influence of Christian practices within their tradition [91].

While Shia Islam is commonly associated with Iran today, it originally did not emerge as an Iranian religious movement. As previously discussed, both Shia and Sufism trace their origins to Arab Christians who converted to Islam in Iraq. Kufa, an Iraqi city, served as the birthplace of the Muslim Gospel [92]. Consequently, it's understandable that the Muslim Gospel encompasses elements of Shia, Sufism, and Christian beliefs and traditions, which are not explicitly supported by the Quran or the sayings of Prophet Muhammad.

In the beliefs of Jews, Muslims, and Christians alike, the notion of death and resurrection during the Day of Judgment is a shared concept. When the Quran (19:33) mentions that "he will be raised up to life again," it likely alludes to the resurrection during the Day of Judgment. The Quran further expounds on this in verse 3:55, emphasizing that during the Day of Judgment, all individuals will experience resurrection, with God serving as the ultimate judge. Additionally, the Quran (4:159) highlights that on the Day of Judgment, Jesus will bear witness against those who do not believe in him. This convergence of beliefs underscores a common theme across Abrahamic traditions.

In conclusion, the diverse beliefs surrounding Jesus' return, particularly within Islamic traditions, reflect a complex tapestry of historical, cultural, and theological influences. While the concept of Jesus' Second Coming is not explicitly mentioned in the Quran, various interpretations and narratives have emerged over centuries, intertwining with Sufi, Shia, and even Christian influences within Islamic thought.

The origins of these beliefs can be traced back to early political and religious factions within Islam, including the influence of Jewish converts like Abdallah ibn Saba and the blending of Christian practices and beliefs present in pre-Islamic Arabian communities. Sufism, rooted in Christian mysticism, also contributed to the rich diversity of interpretations surrounding Jesus' return, further highlighting the interconnections between different religious traditions.

Despite the nuanced interpretations, the shared concept of resurrection and the Day of Judgment serves as a unifying thread across Judaism, Islam, and Christianity. The anticipation of a divine reckoning and the return of significant figures underscore the commonality of themes within Abrahamic faiths, emphasizing the interconnectedness of these traditions in their spiritual beliefs and theological outlooks.

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80. Picknett and Prince (2008)

81. Cate and Mayhall (2009)

82. Friedlaender (1910)

83. Furnish (1999)

84. Oueijan (2001)

85. Baldick (1990)

86. Maleki (2005)

87. Armanios (2004)

88. Fuller, and Rend (1999)

89. Moosa (1987)

90. Watt (1969) as cited in Moosa (1987)

91. Friedman (2010)

92. Khalidi (2001)

The Jesus According to Josephus

The narrative of Jesus' trial and crucifixion is not limited to the New Testament but also appears in both the Talmud and the writings of Josephus, a prominent 1st-century Jewish historian. What's particularly noteworthy is the remarkable similarity among these accounts, which raises the possibility that the Gospel writers may have drawn inspiration from the Talmud and Josephus.

Josephus, in his writings, mentions several individuals named Jesus [77], including Jesus son of Gamala, who led a rebellion (Life, 193); Jesus, a Galilean with 600 armed followers in Jerusalem (Life, 200); and Jesus, associated with a large fortress (Life, 246). He also writes about Jesus son of Shaphat, who held a prominent role among the seditious and led a band of robbers (The War of the Jews, 9:7). Another figure mentioned by Josephus (Life, 66-67) is Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who instigated a massive fire in the palace, resulting in the deaths of numerous Greeks residing in Tiberias and others.

In The War of the Jews (Book 6, 5:3), Josephus recounts the story of Jesus son of Ananias, who entered the temple during a religious festival, prophesied the destruction of Jerusalem, was beaten by Jewish authorities, handed over to the Roman governor, and subjected to interrogation. However, he chose not to respond, and he was ultimately released on account of being perceived as a madman [78].

The narrative of Jesus son of Ananias bears a striking resemblance to the story of Jesus in the Gospels. Both figures entered the temple during a religious festival (John 2:14-15, Mark 11:15-19, Matthew 21:12-17, and Luke 19:45-48). Both prophesied the temple's destruction (Mark 13:2 and Luke 21:6). Both were subjected to beatings by Jewish authorities (Matthew 26:67, Mark 14:65, John 18:22, and Luke 22:63) and interrogated by Roman governors (Matthew 27:11-14 and Mark 15:2-5). Notably, in the Gospels, Pilate offers to release either Jesus or Barabbas, and the crowd chooses Barabbas (Matthew 27:15-26, Mark 15:6-15, Luke 23:13-25, and John 18:39-40). Interestingly, Barabbas is referred to as Jesus Barabbas in the Gospel of Matthew. Therefore, it is plausible that Jesus and Barabbas were the same individual. 

Additionally, the Gospels depict Jesus' family as believing he was out of his mind (Mark 3:21), consistent with the accusation that he was possessed by Beelzebul (Mark 3:22), given that madness was often attributed to demonic possession [79]. This detail further connects Jesus' narrative to that of Jesus son of Ananias, who was similarly perceived as a madman. Given the striking parallels among these various accounts, it is feasible that the Gospel writers incorporated elements from the Talmud and Josephus when constructing their version of Jesus' story.

In conclusion, the parallel accounts of Jesus' trial and crucifixion found in the Talmud and Josephus, alongside the Gospel narratives, raise intriguing questions about the sources and influences shaping the story of Jesus' final moments. The striking resemblances among these accounts, including shared events and characters, suggest the possibility that Gospel writers might have drawn inspiration from these Jewish texts. The inclusion of details like the entry into the temple, prophecies of destruction, beatings, and the release of Barabbas aligns with elements present in both the Talmudic and Josephus narratives. The portrayal of Jesus as a madman, paralleling Jesus son of Ananias, further underscores these connections. These similarities prompt scholars to explore the intricate web of influences that contributed to the Gospel narratives. 

The intersections between these accounts highlight the complex interplay of historical events, oral traditions, and literary sources in shaping the diverse portrayals of Jesus in ancient texts. As these studies continue, they shed light not only on the figure of Jesus but also on the rich tapestry of narratives and beliefs within the cultural and religious milieu of the time.

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77. Whiston (1999)

78. Evans (1993)

79. Picknett and Prince (2008)

The Ascension of Jesus

The Quran contains a verse concerning the ascension of Jesus in verse 3:55: "Oh, Isa, Son of Mary, lo! I am gathering Thee unto Me and causing Thee to ascend to Me." However, the Quran does not explicitly clarify whether Jesus ascended bodily or if only his soul ascended. The narrative of Jesus' bodily ascension to heaven is solely found in the Gospel, specifically in Mark (16:9-20) and in The Acts of the Apostles (1:1-11).

One perspective posits that the inclusion of the story of Jesus' resurrection and ascension was intended to align Jesus with other dying and reviving gods of that era, such as Tammuz, Adonis, Attis, and Osiris [72]. Moreover, it's important to consider that the Gospel writers were unknown Jewish Christians who were influenced by their biases and edited earlier materials. They composed their accounts in Greek and lived within the Hellenistic cities of the Roman Empire [73].

Furthermore, the ascension story in the Gospel of Mark is believed to have been a later addition, and the account in the Acts of the Apostles, attributed to Luke, was penned in the early second century. Consequently, the narrative of the ascension appears to have developed as a later tradition within Christianity, potentially influenced by stories like the Ascension of the Prophet Elijah in 2 Kings 2:11 [74]. It's worth noting that in the earliest stages of the Church, there was no tradition of a visible ascension of Jesus in the presence of his disciples [75]. Thus, the concept of Jesus' physical resurrection back into this world lacks clear support [76], suggesting instead that God raised Jesus from death (the grave) into His divine presence.

In summary, the Quran's account of Jesus' ascension remains ambiguous, not specifying whether it was a bodily or spiritual ascent. The detailed narrative of Jesus' bodily ascension is primarily found in the New Testament, particularly in the later accounts of Mark and Acts. The inclusion of this story in the Gospels and Acts reflects the evolving traditions within early Christianity, influenced by various cultural and religious beliefs of the time. The ascension tale served not only as a testament to Jesus' divinity but also paralleled stories of other divine figures in contemporary religions. However, historical and textual analyses suggest that the concept of Jesus' physical return to heaven might have developed as a later tradition, influenced by a variety of sources. 

As interpretations and scholarship continue to shed light on these narratives, the understanding of Jesus' ascension remains a subject of ongoing exploration and debate, reflecting the complex interplay of religious, cultural, and historical influences in shaping religious traditions.

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72. Baigent, Leigh and Lincoln (1982)

73. Armstrong (2007)

74. Papas (1991)

75. Kung (1984)

76. Spong (1994)

The Jesus That Went to India

The Quran's lack of a detailed account of Jesus' crucifixion has led to various interpretations and stories regarding his fate among Muslim scholars [64]. One such narrative suggests that Jesus traveled to India, where he ultimately passed away and was buried in Kashmir. Advocates of this belief point to Quranic verse 23:50, which states, "We gave them both shelter on high ground, affording rest and security and furnished with springs," as evidence supporting this idea.

This theory, known as the Swoon Theory, posits that Jesus did not die on the cross but rather lost consciousness [65]. After being taken down from the cross, he was treated by the skilled physician Nicodemus, with assistance from Joseph of Arimathea. Upon regaining consciousness, Jesus is said to have journeyed through Afghanistan to Kashmir in search of the lost tribes of Israel, ultimately passing away and being interred in Srinagar. This concept was developed by drawing from testimonies found in the four Gospels, Quranic verses, and Islamic literature, such as Kanz-ul-Ummal, as well as Buddhist records [66].

However, it is vital to note that the Quran itself does not explicitly state that Jesus went to India. The traditions and interpretations that explain Jesus escaping death do not necessarily originate from an authoritative or early interpretation of the Quran's intended meaning [67]. Another perspective posits that it might have been someone else, perhaps Apollonius, who was mistakenly associated with this journey to India. 

Apollonius of Tyana is described as a philosopher following the neo-Pythagorean tradition, renowned for his extraordinary abilities, teachings, and extensive travels. While some draw parallels between him and Jesus Christ, suggesting similarities, others propose that he may have served as an inspiration for the narrative surrounding Jesus Christ. Apollonius indeed traveled to India to engage with Brahmins and Buddhists [68], and since the story of Jesus' crucifixion was possibly inspired by the narrative of Apollonius, it is plausible that Apollonius, rather than Jesus, was linked to the journey to India. An Arab historian named 'Abd al-Jabbar possessed documents dating back to the 6th or 7th centuries A.D., which mentioned the escape of a Zealot leader affiliated with a messianic Jewish group to India [69]. This historical account offers intriguing insights into ancient events.

Furthermore, in 1882, a significant revelation emerged when an ancient Essene manuscript came to light. This manuscript disclosed the tale of Yeshai beth Halachmee, an illegitimate child of Joseph and Mary, with connections to Mary Magdalene. According to this narrative, Yeshai beth Halachmee did not meet his end on the cross; instead, he was removed in an unconscious state and subsequently revived by skilled Essene healers who administered herbal ointments. Following this episode, he embarked on a journey to India [70].

The story of Yeshai beth Halachmee shares striking similarities with the biblical account of Jesus. In the Gospel of John (19:38-40), Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus were portrayed as taking Jesus down from the cross and transporting his body. Nicodemus brought a substantial quantity of myrrh and aloes, totaling about seventy-five pounds. This abundance of myrrh and aloes implies a purpose beyond mere burial and could have been employed for Jesus' treatment and recuperation from the crucifixion ordeal [71]. Considering these parallels, it raises the possibility that Yeshai beth Halachmee, rather than Jesus, might have been the individual who was apprehended, crucified, and subsequently found his way to India.

In conclusion, the diverse interpretations and stories regarding the fate of Jesus, especially in connection to India, reflect the complex tapestry of historical and religious narratives. While some theories, such as the Swoon Theory, suggest Jesus traveled to India after surviving the crucifixion, these interpretations are often based on a blend of religious texts, historical accounts, and creative storytelling. The absence of explicit Quranic references to Jesus' travels to India leaves room for speculation and various perspectives.

The emergence of historical documents, like those from 'Abd al-Jabbar, and ancient Essene manuscripts, such as the tale of Yeshai beth Halachmee, add layers of intrigue to the discussion. These accounts raise questions about the possibility of another figure, distinct from Jesus, being associated with the journey to India. As scholars continue to explore these historical threads, the story of Jesus and his potential travels to India remains a subject of fascination and ongoing inquiry, illustrating the rich diversity of interpretations within religious and historical discourse.

_______________________________________

64. Jadeed (1980)

65. Einhorn (2007)

66. Ahmad (2003)

67. Reynolds (2009)

68. Mead (1966)

69. Schonfield (1984) cited in Baigent (2006)

70. Bernard (1964)

71. Einhorn (2007)

The Death of Jesus

The Quran does not offer an intricate account of the circumstances surrounding Jesus' passing. Instead, it succinctly states in verse 19:33, "So peace is on me the day I was born, the day that I die, and the day that I shall be raised up to life (again)." This passage remarkably portrays Jesus, even as an infant, miraculously alluding to his eventual death, implying that it would be a natural human experience [63].

Interestingly, the same verse is also employed in the Quran to refer to Prophet Yahya, commonly known as John the Baptist (Quran 19:15), where it reads, "So Peace on him the day he was born, the day that he dies, and the day that he will be raised up to life (again)." Consequently, if we acknowledge that John the Baptist experienced mortality, it logically follows that Jesus, too, underwent death.

The Quran's most explicit reference to Jesus' mortality can be located in verse 5:117, where Jesus is portrayed as addressing God, stating, "When You terminated my life on earth, You became the Watcher over them." This verse provides a clear indication of the conclusion of Jesus' earthly life.

The Quran's stance on Jesus' mortality is succinct and clear. While it does not delve into intricate details surrounding his death, it acknowledges his mortality in various verses, notably in 5:117, emphasizing his human nature and the inevitability of his passing. In the scenario where Prophet Isa is identified as the Teacher of Righteousness, the ultimate fate of this enigmatic figure remains shrouded in mystery. The scrolls and historical records offer no definitive account of his end or demise. Rather, they hint at a life marked by persecution and opposition from fellow Jewish priests, notably the enigmatic "Wicked Priest," which compelled him to seek refuge in a distant land. Yet, the specific circumstances surrounding his death or later life continue to elude historical clarity, leaving room for ongoing speculation and interpretation.

Conversely, the Bible provides intriguing evidence that challenges the assumption of Jesus' death. In the Gospel of John (19:38-40), Joseph of Arimathea, a secret disciple of Jesus, courageously approached Pilate to request the body of Jesus after his crucifixion. Accompanied by Nicodemus, who had previously visited Jesus in secrecy, they brought a substantial seventy-five-pound mixture of myrrh and aloes. Notably, myrrh and aloes are traditionally linked to the treatment of the living. This choice of herbs for Jesus' care after the crucifixion suggests a belief in the potential of his revival. These herbs, renowned for their healing properties throughout history, continue to be utilized in modern pharmaceuticals and ointments.

In John 20:1-18, Mary Magdalene visited the tomb on the first day of the week, while it was still dark. She encountered Jesus but didn't initially recognize him, mistaking him for a gardener. You might wonder why she thought he was a gardener. Do resurrected individuals typically resemble gardeners? No, they don't. So why did she make this assumption? It's because Jesus deliberately took on the appearance of a gardener, because he had survived death, and he didn't want the Romans and Jews to discover this fact. Mary, believing the disguised Jesus to be a gardener, asked him, where did he lay him?" She was searching for a living person, denoted as "HIM." Moreover, she wanted to know where he had been "LAID" to rest, not "BURIED."

In Luke 24:13-16, there is an account of Jesus going to Emmaus with two of his disciples. They walked for five miles and couldn't recognize Jesus. This was because Jesus was still in disguise, intentionally concealing his identity, likely to avoid people knowing that he was still alive.

In light of these intriguing biblical accounts, a question lingers: Could it be possible that Jesus, in some remarkable way, survived the Crucifixion? While this remains a matter of deep theological debate, these passages certainly offer a thought-provoking perspective. The actions of Joseph of Arimathea, Nicodemus, and Mary Magdalene, coupled with the peculiar details surrounding Jesus' post-resurrection appearances, invite us to consider the possibility that there may be more to the story of Jesus' fate than meets the eye. Ultimately, these passages continue to fuel discussions and reflections on the profound mystery of Jesus' life, death, and potential resurrection.

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63. Reynolds (2009)

The Trial and Crucifixion According to Josephus

The narrative of Jesus' trial and crucifixion extends beyond the New Testament and finds mention in both the Talmud and the writings of Josephus, a prominent 1st-century Jewish historian. What is particularly noteworthy is the remarkable similarity among these accounts, prompting speculation that the Gospel writers might have drawn inspiration from the Talmud and Josephus.

Josephus, in his writings, makes reference to several individuals named Jesus [59]. Among them are Jesus son of Gamala, who led a rebellion (Life, 193); Jesus, a Galilean with 600 armed followers in Jerusalem (Life, 200); and Jesus, associated with a substantial fortress (Life, 246). He also records Jesus son of Shaphat, a prominent figure among the seditious, who led a band of robbers (The War of the Jews, 9:7). Another figure mentioned by Josephus (Life, 66-67) is Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who instigated a massive fire in the palace, resulting in the deaths of numerous Greeks residing in Tiberias and others.

In The War of the Jews (Book 6, 5:3), Josephus recounts the story of Jesus son of Ananias, who entered the temple during a religious festival, prophesied the destruction of Jerusalem, was beaten by Jewish authorities, handed over to the Roman governor, and subjected to interrogation. However, he chose not to respond and was ultimately released on account of being perceived as a madman [60].

The narrative of Jesus son of Ananias bears a striking resemblance to the story of Jesus in the Gospels. Both figures entered the temple during a religious festival (John 2:14-15, Mark 11:15-19, Matthew 21:12-17, and Luke 19:45-48). Both prophesied the temple's destruction (Mark 13:2 and Luke 21:6). Both were subjected to beatings by Jewish authorities (Matthew 26:67, Mark 14:65, John 18:22, and Luke 22:63) and interrogated by Roman governors (Matthew 27:11-14 and Mark 15:2-5). Notably, in the Gospels, Pilate offers to release either Jesus or Barabbas, and the crowd chooses Barabbas (Matthew 27:15-26, Mark 15:6-15, Luke 23:13-25, and John 18:39-40). Interestingly, Barabbas is referred to as Jesus Barabbas in the Gospel of Matthew [61]. Therefore, it is plausible that Jesus and Barabbas were the same individual.

Furthermore, the Gospels depict Jesus' family as believing he was out of his mind (Mark 3:21), consistent with the accusation that he was possessed by Beelzebul (Mark 3:22), given that madness was often attributed to demonic possession [62]. This detail further connects Jesus' narrative to that of Jesus son of Ananias, who was similarly perceived as a madman. Given the striking parallels among these various accounts, it is feasible that the Gospel writers incorporated elements from the Talmud and Josephus when constructing their version of Jesus' story.

In conclusion, the intricate interplay of historical texts from the Talmud, Josephus, and the New Testament sheds light on the complexity of narratives surrounding significant figures like Jesus. The similarities among these accounts, notably the story of Jesus son of Ananias, raise intriguing questions about the potential influence and cross-pollination of ideas among these sources. While this phenomenon challenges traditional views of historical and religious texts, it underscores the rich tapestry of interpretations that have shaped our understanding of pivotal events and figures, adding depth and nuance to the narratives that have profoundly impacted faiths and cultures throughout history.

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59. Whiston (1999)

60. Evans (1993)

61. Grant (2009)

62. Einhorn (2007)